Download PDF Version
Printable Version
"Mum's the word on Gaza probe" by Amira Howeidy
From time to time, the
Palestine Center distributes
articles it believes will enhance understanding
of the Palestinian political
reality. The following article by Amira Howeidy
was published in Al-Ahram Weekly
Online on 11
February 2010. To view
this article online, please go to http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/2010/985/re6.htm.
"Mum's the word on Gaza probe"
By
Amira Howeidy
Critics are accusing the UN
of stalling legal action against Israel after
an independent fact finding mission accused
Israel of possibly committing war crimes and
crimes against humanity in its December 2008 to
January 2009 assault on Gaza.
Dubbed
after the name of the head of the mission, the
575-page long Goldstone Report submitted to the
UN last September recommended that both Israel
and Palestinian authorities undertake
investigations into the accusations and follow
up with action within six months. If the
parties were to fail to meet international
standards of objectivity in their efforts, then
the UN Security Council (UNSC) should consider
referring the whole matter to the International
Criminal Court (ICC) in The Hague.
An
emergency meeting of the UN General Assembly on
5 November endorsed the report's
recommendations and gave both parties a
timeframe of three months to conduct
investigations in accordance with international
standards. Come 4 February, UN Secretary-
General Ban Ki-Moon, upon receiving responses
from Israel and Palestinian authorities,
declared in a report to the General Assembly
that, "no determination can be made on the
implementation of the [UN General Assembly]
resolution by the parties
concerned."
While the
secretary-general's vague response was welcomed
in Israel, it proved controversial with human
rights groups who have implied that the UN is
preparing to bury the Goldstone findings. UN
sources say that, in effect, Ban is giving both
sides another three months to complete their
reports.
Amnesty International described
Ban's "failure" to make an assessment of the
Israeli and Palestinian investigations into the
22-day Operation Cast Lead offensive in Gaza as
"deeply disappointing and a missed opportunity
to help secure accountability for the
conflict's hundreds of victims". The UN
secretary- general "merely passed the Israeli
and Palestinian responses he had received to
members of the General Assembly without an
assessment of whether the parties had met the
required standards," said a statement issued 5
February.
Israel, for its part, said its
army conducted an investigation into the
Goldstone findings. Thus far it has
"disciplined" two senior military officers for
authorising the shelling of a UN facility with
white phosphorous, a lethal chemical that once
in contact with oxygen burns human flesh to the
bone. The 22-day Israeli war killed more than
1,400 Palestinians, and injured or maimed
5,000. The Israeli army also destroyed 3,500
building units and significant sectors of
Gaza's infrastructure. At least 50,000
Palestinians were displaced.
Amnesty,
Human Rights Watch and the Israeli B'Tselem
human rights group were critical of Israel's
investigation and the report it submitted to
the UN. They questioned the Israeli military's
objectivity in investigating itself. They also
criticised Hamas's investigations and failure
to prosecute anyone for firing "indiscriminate"
rockets into southern Israel. These rockets
killed three Israelis during the
war.
The Gaza-based independent
Palestinian Centre for Human Rights said it was
"shocked and appalled" by Ban's "lack of
responsibility". The UN secretary-general, it
said in a 6 February statement, "did not
express any concern regarding the evident
problems arising from the lack of an
independent, credible, impartial civilian
investigation committee [on Israel's part] and
over the lack of progress to
date."
Although the Goldstone Report
accuses both Israel and Hamas of possibly
committing war crimes and crimes against
humanity, it devotes the vast majority of its
accusations to Israel's violations of
international humanitarian law. South African
Judge Richard Goldstone, a Jew and
self-proclaimed Zionist, was appointed by the
UN High Commissioner for Human Rights in April
2009 to lead the independent investigation into
the 22-day war. His mission included three
heavyweight investigators from the UK, South
Africa and Pakistan.
Meanwhile, in the
UN, all is quiet on the Goldstone Report front.
It is unclear when and if the UN General
Assembly will convene to discuss Ban's report
on the Israeli and Palestinian responses to the
Goldstone findings. The Israeli daily newspaper
Haaretz on 7 February quoted
unnamed UN diplomatic sources saying that the
UN is likely to refer the findings to the
International Court of Justice (ICJ) and not
the ICC as initially recommended in the
Goldstone report, but there have been no
assertions from the UN, or outside of it,
supporting this direction.
In its
statement this week, Amnesty proposed that Ban
immediately prepare an independent assessment
of the steps being taken by Israel and the
Palestinian side to ensure accountability. Such
an assessment, it said, should provide a basis
for decisions on further action. "If the
parties remain unable or unwilling to take the
steps required by the General Assembly, this
may include an eventual referral of the
situation in Gaza by the UNSC to the
ICC."
But because the ICC can exercise
jurisdiction only in cases when the accused is
a national of a state party, and since Israel
is not, and the Palestinians do not have a
state, this is not an option. The Rome Statute
of the ICC allows the UNSC to refer an
investigation to the court, however. Yet
because of the veto power enjoyed by the US
(which supports Israel), this channel is not an
option either. In fact, informed legal sources
argue that Goldstone knew this and yet included
the ICC option in his recommendations
nonetheless.
These legal intricacies are
also further complicated by political
considerations. The two combined form an
impossible situation for the Palestinian
victims of Israel's war, and for justice. It
went unreported that when he was approached by
the UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC), Goldstone
said he would only accept his task if his
mission's mandate was modified.
The
mandate as adopted by the UNHRC on 12 January
2009 was to investigate all violations of
international human rights law and
international humanitarian law "by the
occupying Power, Israel, against the
Palestinian people throughout the Occupied
Palestinian Territory, particularly in the
occupied Gaza Strip, due to the current
aggression". This original mandate to
investigate Israel only was expanded upon
Goldstone's request to "investigate all
violations of international human rights law
and international humanitarian law that might
have been committed at any time in the context
of the military operations that were conducted
in Gaza during the period from 27 December 2008
and 18 January 2009, whether before, during or
after."
In interview with the Jewish
online daily Forward published 16 September
2009, Goldstone explains this in detail,
arguing that by including a timeframe of months
preceding Israel's war on Gaza when Hamas was
launching rockets into Israel, Goldstone was
allowed to frame his mission as one to examine
abuses "on both sides" of the
conflict.
Ali El-Ghatit, an Egyptian
professor of international law who was involved
in an Arab League-sponsored fact-finding
mission in Gaza following the war insists that
there have been deliberate efforts to "confuse"
human rights law with international
humanitarian law in relation to the UNHRC
fact-finding mission.
In international
humanitarian law, or the laws of war, he told
Al-Ahram
Weekly, the belligerent occupying power
-- in this case Israel -- is not equal to the
occupied, which is here Gaza and Hamas
resistance. Gaza remains under full Israeli
military occupation from land, sea and sky. And
since resistance of occupation is enshrined as
a right in international law, accusing Hamas of
war crimes when it is in a state of
self-defence and resistance is a denial of
these legal rights. The confused or deliberate
twisting of the diplomatic and legal discourse
regarding Israel's occupation and the
Palestinian resistance is wrong because it
suggests that Gaza is an independent sovereign
state which, if it was, would be subject to
"human rights law", El-Ghatit explained. By
altering the mandate of the UNHRC fact- finding
mission to include the actions of the
resistance, Goldstone "superimposed on Hamas
what shouldn't have been under international
law," El-Ghatit said.
Consequently, it
was "very wrong" of Hamas to have apologised
for firing rockets into southern Israel that
killed a few Israelis. According to El-Ghatit:
"Instead, they should have responded to the
Goldstone Report's accusations by asking what
kind of law are you holding us accountable to?"
The fact-finding mission and the UN's handling
of the conflict should be assessed in this
context, he told the Weekly.
All three
members of Goldstone's mission were absent on
29 September when the final report was
submitted to the UNHRC, which was seen by some
as unusual. It triggered speculation on
rumoured disagreements between the three and
Goldstone over the outcome of the findings,
particularly in relation to the protected right
of
resistance.
Amira
Howeidy is a reporter for Al-Ahram
Weekly.
The
views
expressed in this article are those of the
author and do not necessarily
reflect
those of The Jerusalem
Fund.