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When Arabs Tweet
From time to time, the Palestine
Center
distributes
articles it believes will enhance understanding
of the Palestinian
political
reality. The following article by Rami G.
Khouri was
published in The New York Times
on 22 July
2010.
To view
this article online, please go to http://www.nytimes.com/2010/07/23/opinion/23iht-edkhouri.html?_r=3&scp=1&sq=rami+khouri&st=cse
"When Arabs
Tweet"
By Rami G. Khouri
I was intrigued to see several
recent calls for bids by the U.S. Agency for
International Development for programs that
would, among other things, train young Arabs
how to better use the Internet and other
digital technologies for political activism,
advocacy, greater transparency and
accountability, and other such democratic
practices.
Secretary of State Hilary
Clinton has repeatedly stressed Washington’s
commitment to such programs as part of
President Barack Obama’s call for greater
engagement between the United States and
Islamic societies.
Two important
questions come to mind, which I hope the U.S.
government is pondering seriously. The first is
about the actual impact on the political
culture of young Arabs and Iranians who use the
new media. The second is about the most
appropriate way for the United States, or any
other foreign party, to promote this
sector.
We are witnessing a continuing
social revolution in how youth throughout the
Middle East use Web sites, cellphones, chat
systems, blogs, Twitter, Facebook and other
rapidly evolving new media.
Millions of
young people communicate with each other
digitally, express their views and identities,
and sometimes mobilize for causes as disparate
as promoting a new movie, arranging a dance
party, sharing photos or bemoaning a tired old
dictator. In some countries like Iran and
Egypt, we are told, tens of thousands of
bloggers are at work expressing their
independent views and challenging the
established order.
But what do young
people actually do, or aim to achieve, with the
new media? Are the new digital and social media
a credible tool for challenging established
political orders and bringing about political
change in our region?
My impression is
that these new media today play a role
identical to that played by Al Jazeera
satellite television when it first appeared in
the mid-1990s — they provide important new
means by which ordinary citizens can both
receive information and express their views,
regardless of government controls on both, but
in terms of their impact they seem more like a
stress reliever than a mechanism for political
change.
Watching Arab pundits criticize
Arab governments, Israel or the United States —
common fare on Arab satellite television — is
great vicarious satisfaction for ordinary men
and women who live in political cultures that
deny them serious opportunities for free
speech.
Blogging, reading politically
racy Web sites, or passing around provocative
text messages by cellphone is equally
satisfying for many youth. Such activities,
though, essentially shift the individual from
the realm of participant to the realm of
spectator, and transform what would otherwise
be an act of political activism — mobilizing,
demonstrating or voting — into an act of
passive, harmless personal
entertainment.
We must face the fact
that all the new media and hundreds of
thousands of young bloggers from Morocco to
Iran have not triggered a single significant or
lasting change in Arab or Iranian political
culture. Not a single one. Zero.
This is
partly because the modern Middle Eastern
security state is firmly in control of the key
levers of power — guns and money, mainly — and
has learned to live with the digital open flow
of information, as long as this does not
translate into actual political action that
seeks to change policies or ruling
elites.
How should interested foreign
parties engage in such an
environment?
The first thing is to rid
themselves of some nagging blatant
contradictions that largely nullify their
credibility, and, in fact, make them look
pretty silly.
One cannot take seriously
the United States or any other Western
government that funds political activism by
young Arabs while it simultaneously provides
funds and guns that help cement the power of
the very same Arab governments the young social
and political activists target for
change.
Feeding both the jailer and the
prisoner is not a sustainable or sensible
policy. I would not be surprised if some
wise-guy young Arab soon sends a tweet to
Hilary Clinton saying, “you’re either with us,
or you’re with the security state.”
This
is an awkward and untenable position for any
foreign government that wants to promote
political activism and pluralism in the Middle
East. It damages Western government
credibility, leads to no significant changes in
our political cultures, and often discredits
the local activists who become tarred with the
charge of being Western lackeys.
The
antidote is simple, but humbling: lower the
contradictions in Western policies towards
Middle Eastern governments and activists, and
grasp more accurately the fact that young
people use the digital media mainly for
entertainment and vicarious, escapist
self-expression.
Like I said, the United
States and other Western governments should
apply more honesty and intellectual rigor to
their assault of our digital world than they
did in their military invasions of Iraq and
Afghanistan.
Rami G.
Khouri
is editor-at-large of The Daily Star,
and director
of the Issam Fares Institute for Public Policy
and International Affairs at the American
University of Beirut.
The
views
expressed in this article are those of the
author and do not
necessarily
reflect
those of The Jerusalem
Fund.
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