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Israels Matrix
of Control in Palestine.
14 February 2000Although the Israeli government has not published what it calls its master plan, Jeff Halper, an Israeli, knows enough of the story to foretell its final chapters: Palestinian homes will continue to be demolished; Jewish-only settlements will continue to grow; and the bypass roads connecting them through Palestinian land will create a matrix of control crisscrossing every inch of the territories now being negotiated in the process of peace. Halpers avowed purpose at an 8 February 2000 Center briefing was to call attention to the underbelly of the peace process, the parallel reality created by Israel. In his words, Since 1967, Israel has had a policy, that cuts across Labor and Likud governments, of creating facts on the ground that will foreclose the possibility of any viable Palestinian state. These policies are being carried out with increased tempo, creating an Israeli matrix of control across the West Bank (including East Jerusalem) and Gaza. Home demolition, said Halper, is only one component of this matrix. On the West Bankan area roughly the size of DelawarePalestinians are essentially confined to 227 [non-contiguous] islands. These islands constitute what are known in the lexicon of the Oslo agreements as areas A and B (40 percent of the West Bank), only one-quarter of which are under full Palestinian civil and security control. To create its matrix of control, Israel has been creating barriers of settlements and bypass roads between these islands. He showed how the master plan of the Maale Adumim settlement goes from the border of Jerusalem almost to the Jordan river. Even today, [in] municipal space, Maale Adumim is larger than Tel Aviv. It has become what Halper termed a settlement bloc. Because of the sheer size of settlements like Maale Adumim, even if Israel agreed to disband 191 settlements, it could retain four settlement blocs, thus consolidating control over roadways, hilltops, junctions and effectively paralyz[ing] transportation throughout the country. So essential to its matrix of control are Israels settlements that residents dont think of themselves as settlers anymore. Indeed, government policy has been to sell settlements as banal and non-ideological, notwithstanding the master plan formally adopted by the Israeli government in 1995. This plan calls for a greater Jerusalem, but it is emblematic of Israeli policy throughout the Palestinian territories. Halper reminded his audience that Jerusalem itself constitutes a settlement bloc; the Old City represents only one percent of the [total] municipal area of the city. This fact, coupled with the reality that the developed area of Maale Adumim will likely extend to the Jordan river, makes Jerusalem a keystone in perpetuating the Israeli occupation. In geopolitical terms, Israels control of Jerusalem amounts to control over unfettered, north-south movement for Palestinians throughout the West Bank. Palestinian movement has been further restricted by Israeli bypass roads. While these have been presented to Palestinian negotiators as modest roads that would allow Israelis secure travel in isolated areas during the troop redeployment process, in fact, they have been adopted as a way of incorporating the West Bank into Israel proper. There are, according to Halper, 29 bypass roads. Sixty percent complete, they set in concrete all of the boundaries between Palestinians and Israelis. Each of the bypass roadsalso defined as security roadsis 50 yards wide and has a fenced-in sanitary margin of 150 yards on each side. This amounts to 250 miles of roads, four football fields wide, being built in an area the size of Delaware. Standing before a map representing Israels matrix of control in all its complexity, Halper concluded: Israel, by its own hand, [has] eliminated the possibility of a two-state solution to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. The alternatives, he said, are a bi-national state or apartheid. But the prospect for coexistence seems bleak to Salim Shawamreh. He has accompanied Halper on a nationwide tour to educate Americans about the ongoing Israeli campaign to demolish homes built by Palestinians on their own land. Israel justifies this policy as punishment for building without permission from the Jerusalem-based Civil Administration. But, as Shawamreh recounted, obtaining this permission is next to impossible. He and his family waited two years before they decided to go ahead with plans to build their home. Construction was complete just before the black day of 9 July 1998, when Shawamreh and his family were surrounded by Israeli soldiers positioned around the new structure. Armed with a military order and bulldozer, the soldiers gave Shawamreh, his wife, and six children 15 minutes to evacuate their property before it was razed to the ground. Upon hearing of the standoff on Shawamrehs property, the Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions mobilized hundreds of Israeli and Palestinian volunteers, among them members of the Israeli Knesset, to rebuild the demolished structure. The Shawamreh family lived in a Red Cross-donated tent behind the construction site while they and their supporters worked in a show of solidarity and defiance. The home was completed on 2 August 1998, barely three weeks after it was destroyed. That night, fearing a military reprisal, Halper and two members from the Christian Peacemaker Teams (CPT) stayed with the Shawamreh family. Despite the volunteers presence, Israeli soldiers raided the property, assaulted one CPT member, and bulldozed the home, this time deliberately targeting its water supply and adjacent trees. That the home was again rebuilt after being twice demolished is, according to Halper, as much a testimony to the Shawamreh familys resilience as it is a slap in the face of the peace process. One example among many, the repeated destruction of this familys lives completely calls into question Israels intentions toward the Palestinians. The above text is based on remarks delivered on 8 February 2000 by Jeff Halper, Coordinator of the Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions, and Salim Shawamreh. Their views do not necessarily reflect those of the Palestine Center or The Jerusalem Fund. This summary may be used without permission but with proper attribution to the Center for Policy Analysis on Palestine. This For the Record was prepared by Palestine Center Writer/Editor Samer Badawi. This information first appeared in For The Record No. 30, 14 February 2000. |
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