|
|
The Churchill White Paper (June 1922)
The Secretary of State for
the Colonies has given renewed consideration to the existing political
situation in Palestine, with a very earnest desire to arrive at a settlement
of the outstanding questions which have given rise to uncertainty and
unrest among certain sections of the population
The tension which has prevailed from time
to time in Palestine is mainly due to apprehensions, which are entertained
both by sections of the Arab and by sections of the Jewish population.
These apprehensions, so far as the Arabs are concerned, are partly based
upon exaggerated interpretations of the meaning of the Declaration favoring
the establishment of a Jewish National Home in Palestine, made on behalf
of HMG on 2nd November, 1917.
Unauthorized statements have been made
to the effect that the purpose in view is to create a wholly Jewish Palestine.
Phrases have been used such as that Palestine is to become as Jewish
as England is English. HMG regard any such expectation as impracticable
and have no such aim in view. Nor have they at any time contemplated,
as appears to be feared by the Arab Delegation, the disappearance or the
subordination of the Arabic population, language or culture in Palestine.
They would draw attention to the fact that the terms of the Declaration
referred to do not contemplate that Palestine as a whole should be converted
into a Jewish National Home, but that such a Home should be founded in
Palestine. In this connection it has been observed with satisfaction that
at the meeting of the Zionist Congress, the supreme governing body of
the Zionist Organization, held at Carlsbad in September, 1921, a resolution
was passed expressing as the official statement of Zionist aims the
determination of the Jewish people to live with the Arab people on terms
of unity and mutual respect, and together with them to make the common
home into a flourishing community, the upbuilding of which may assure
to each of its peoples an undisturbed national development.
It is also necessary to point out that
the Zionist Commission in Palestine, now termed the Zionist Executive,
has not desired to possess, and does not possess, any share in the general
administration of the country. Nor does the special position assigned
to the Zionist Organization in Article IV of the Draft Mandate for Palestine
imply any such functions. That special position relates to the measures
to be taken in Palestine affecting the Jewish population, and contemplates
that the Organization may assist in the general development of the country,
but does not entitle it to share in any degree in its Government.
Further, it is contemplated that the status
of all citizens of Palestine in the eyes of the law shall be Palestinian,
and it has never been intended that they, or any section of them, should
possess any other juridical status.
So far as the Jewish population of Palestine
are concerned, it appears that some among them are apprehensive that HMG
may depart from the policy embodied in the Declaration of 1917. It is
necessary, therefore, once more to affirm that these fears are unfounded,
and that the Declaration
is not susceptible of change.
During the last two or three generations
the Jews have recreated in Palestine a community now numbering 80,000,
of whom about one-fourth are farmers or workers upon the land. This community
has its own political organs; an elected assembly for the direction of
its domestic concerns; elected councils in the towns; and an organization
for the control of its schools. It has its elected Chief Rabbinate and
Rabbinical Council for the direction of its religious affairs. Its business
is conducted in Hebrew as a vernacular language, and a Hebrew press serves
its needs. It has its distinctive intellectual life and displays considerable
economic activity. This community, then, with its town and country population,
its political, religious and social organizations, its own language, its
own customs, its own life, has in fact national characteristics.
When it is asked what is meant by the development of the Jewish National
Home in Palestine, it may be answered that it is not the imposition of
a Jewish nationality upon the inhabitants of Palestine as a whole, but
the further development of the existing Jewish community, with the assistance
of Jews in other parts of the world, in order that it may become a center
in which the Jewish people as a whole may take, on grounds of religion
and race, an interest and a pride. But in order that this community should
have the best prospect of free development and provide full opportunity
for the Jewish people to display its capacities, it is essential that
it should know that it is in Palestine as of right and not on sufferance.
That is the reason why it is necessary that the existence of a Jewish
National Home in Palestine should be internationally guaranteed, and that
it should be formally recognized to rest upon ancient historic connection.
This, then, is the interpretation which
HMG place upon the Declaration of 1917, and, so understood, the Secretary
of State is of the opinion that it does not contain or imply anything
which need cause either alarm to the Arab population of Palestine or disappointment
to the Jews.
For the fulfillment of this policy it is
necessary that the Jewish community in Palestine should be able to increase
its numbers by immigration. This immigration cannot be so great in volume
as to exceed whatever may be the economic capacity of the country at the
time to absorb new arrivals. It is essential to ensure that the immigrants
should not be a burden upon the people of Palestine as a whole, and that
they should not deprive any section of the present population of their
employment. Hitherto the immigration has fulfilled these conditions. The
number of immigrants since the British occupation has been about 25,000.
|
|